
Trump's Coming Currency War Has Asia In Its Sights
Officials in Tokyo, Seoul, Beijing and elsewhere claim to have it on good authority that they can keep their exchange rates separate from US tariff negotiations. It's not clear where this collective delusion comes from, but suffice it to say, a brawl over yen, won and yuan valuations is coming.
The same likely goes for the Indonesian rupiah, Thai baht and Vietnamese dong as Trump's trade negotiation team gets around to shaking down Asia writ large.
One reason Asian governments are in denial that US trade negotiators will try to coerce them into appreciating their currencies is what they're hearing from Scott Bessent. For now, at least, the US Treasury secretary is the face of Team Trump in Asia.
Yet Bessent is merely the“good cop” to Peter Navarro's“bad cop.” And it's Navarro who's likely to have the last word on exchange rates, a topic on which he and Trump are more aligned.
Trump, as Asia is learning the hard way, changes his mind on virtually every topic with metronomic regularity. That is, except for his five-decade belief that Asia is stealing American jobs and prosperity - often via weak currencies.
In the 1980s, it was Japan in particular that animated the then-New York real estate mogul. On television and radio talk shows, Trump rarely missed a chance to rail about how Japan had“sucked the blood” out of American households.
This was around the time of the 1985“Plaza Accord,” a deal that sent the yen sharply higher versus the dollar. It's something Trump apparently hopes to repeat with China.
Trump once owned the iconic New York Plaza Hotel, where the seeds of Japan's 1990s deflation nightmare were planted. He's now angling to engineer a sharply stronger yuan at his Mar-a-Lago Florida lair.
“Market participants will closely watch for any signs that the Trump administration is indeed seeking a weaker US dollar,” says Carol Kong, a currency strategist at Commonwealth Bank of Australia.
China knows better. Xi Jinping's Communist Party spent years studying how the fallout from that 1985 deal is still undermining Japan's economy. Look no further than the Bank of Japan's inability to push official interest rates above 0.5% three-plus decades after deflation first hit.
Few risks fear Xi's party more than“Japanification.” As such, any hope Trump, Bessent or Navarro have to drive the yuan sharply higher is almost certainly to be dashed. China's not a Group of Seven member. Any effort to force a revaluation on Beijing could be countered by stronger efforts to anchor the exchange rate.
Though that might not be in China's best interest, Xi's party may decide the end justifies the means if Trump moves on to another target.

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